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Monthly Archives: January 2009

Think iGovt.

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What has been will be again, what has been done will be done again; there is nothing new under the sun. – Ecclesiastes 1:9

Change, in the form of drastic economic action, has come to America.  The kind of relief we have will determine America’s trajectory for years to come.  Our President-elect is setting the tone, as he presented his agenda at George Mason University last week.  It should be noted the Economics Department at GMU is a known stronghold of libertarian philosophy, and has ties to the Cato Institute – big ups to Cato!  (Sorry.)

It was there Obama said:   “I don’t believe it’s too late to change course, but it will be if we don’t take drastic action as soon as possible.  If nothing is done, this recession could linger for years.”  He then laid out the blueprint for his American Recovery and Reinvestment Program, with estimated costs of $775 billion.  Yesterday, Congress saw his $775 billion, and raised it to $825 billion.

Wow.  The goal for this legislation was “on the President’s desk by January 20;” the goal now seems to be President’s Day, February 16.  Everyone agrees something must be done, but what, and how much should it cost?  What we need is neither big government nor small government, but smart government.  Think iGovt.  Yes, I’m basing my argument on Apple’s success with the iPod and iPhone.  These devices are small, yet big enough to operate without being bulky.  They are complicated, with many moving parts, yet easy to handle with a simple user interface… and for “smart devices,” they have the lead in tech markets worldwide.  Give Apple $300 for an iPod, and you get an iPod.  Buy $300 of Apple’s stock, and see what happens.  “Intelligent government” should follow this model.

iphone

Moreover, iGovt purposely seeks common ground, often through a bit of triangulation, in order to get things done for the American people.  iGovt is also unafraid to let bad business fail.  Our federal government cannot be an endless safety net.  Former St. Louis Fed president William Poole echoed this sentiment earlier this week, saying, “What is discipline – where are the hard choices – when does the Fed say our resources are exhausted?”  He went on to say that our current situation at the Fed sounds eerily familiar to the Soviet Union during the Cold War era, where economies were inefficient because they had a soft-budget constraint.  If a firm got into trouble, the banking system would simply give them more money.

That’s no solution at all.  All the money we could physically print cannot inject confidence, the real capital that drives our market.  I usually disagree with Keynesian economics because it can hinder overall growth in the economy; intelligent government, however, considers every public dollar an investment, with the purpose of restoring confidence. 

Mr. Obama’s plan, at face value, supports non-partisan “smart solutions,” as he went on to say, “The American Recovery and Reinvestment Plan won’t just throw money at our problems – we’ll invest in what works. The true test of the policies we’ll pursue won’t be whether they’re Democratic or Republican ideas, but whether they create jobs, grow our economy, and put the American Dream within reach of the American people.”

la (R)esistance

Suddenly, Congressional Republicans, although small in number, have become extremely important at the negotiating table.  Conservatism naturally conflicts with government intervention; if done smartly, however, certain proposals could gain support from these members.  Interventions such as bailouts are nothing more than subsidies with strings attached; this chaps Republicans, sure, but most Republican resistance involves the impending tax burden that government spending inevitably thrusts upon future generations.  Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell’s opening remarks of the 111th Congress, January 6, included these words on the subject.  This is, officially, the Republican Party line:

“All of us agree that the economy needs help.  We’re concerned, and taxpayers are concerned.  But if we’re going to appropriate an unprecedented amount of money from the Treasury for this spending bill, it’s absolutely essential that we determine up front whether the spending is going to be wasteful or wise.

“Specifically, the American people should have at least a week to see what this enormous spending plan includes.  President Clinton proposed a $16 billion stimulus his first year in office.  Congress rejected it for being too expensive.  Now Democrats in Congress are proposing a stimulus that could cost taxpayers more than 50 times what President Clinton’s would have cost.

“This potentially $1 trillion bill would be one of the largest spending bills in U.S. history.  It would increase the deficit by half a trillion dollars overnight and deepen an already enormous national debt.  Before we agree to it, the American people need to see the details.  They need to be able to see for themselves whether this is money well spent.  And if lawmakers think that it is, then they need to make a convincing case to the people who are paying for it.” 

It seems to me the Minority Leader is open to intelligent government solutions, as long as the tax burden is approached smartly.  What guidelines would conservatives consider meet their iGovt criteria for taxation?  This isn’t a new question at all.  Two hundred years ago, Adam Smith, the chief advocate of the capitalist model, provided four distinct laws in his classic, The Wealth of Nations:

I. The subjects of every state ought to contribute towards the support of the government, as nearly as possible, in proportion to their respective abilities… II. The tax which each individual is bound to pay ought to be certain, and not arbitrary.  The time of payment, the manner of payment, the quantity to be paid, ought all to be clear and plain to the contributor, and to every other person… III. Every tax ought to be levied at the time, or in the manner, in which it is most likely to be convenient for the contributor to pay… IV. Every tax ought to be so contrived as both to take out and to keep out of the pockets of the people as little as possible, over and above what it brings into the treasury of the state.

An approach using smart stimulus solutions would result in a smaller national public debt, and an easier tax burden at the conclusion of our crisis.  Prudence will render a quicker recovery, bipartisan support, and eventual private ownership of the market. 

Hurdles

When it comes to stimulus, what are the other drawbacks of “going big?”  Can there be too much intervention, i.e. too much money allocated to projects?  Yes; as there is not enough labor to meet the costs of the program, prices for goods and services will rise.  It’s called supply-and-demand.  We see how it works when subsidies inflate the price of certain goods in the market.

The American people support infrastructure spending.  The Obama stimulus package proposes spending three times more on infrastructure projects than is currently spent; where will this money go?  Do we have three times the resources available, ready to lay down gravel, build bridges, etc?  Obviously not, so the market will respond by driving the costs of these goods and services up. 

A federal bill of this size also lacks much needed oversight.  Even New York City mayor Michael Bloomberg agrees that this money would be better spent at the local level.  “You would not have a ‘bridge to nowhere’ if some local municipality had had to pay for it,” he says.  Therefore, prudent iGovt solutions require the growth of projects, as needed, instead of one massive bill.  The system currently used by Congress, that is, passing only mammoth Appropriations bills, prevents oversight and encourages earmarks.  This conflicts with iGovt. 

The problem is, states and cities want to be bailed out, too.  Considering that New York’s citizens give more to the federal government through withheld taxes than they get back, Bloomberg may have a point.

iGovt Solutions

There are viable measures that can be used as long term investments to draw down the federal budget.  For example, the Congressional Budget Office released a report this December on health care that could be a crucial part of our upcoming spending bill.  If the conversion of paper medical records to electronic records was made a requirement for Medicare, the program would cost money upfront, but could save $7 billion in the first five years, and $34 billion over ten years, by reducing medical errors and avoiding unncessary tests and procedures, saving lives in the process.  As 1 of every 6 Americans is uninsured, these offset costs could be used to lower health insurance premiums in the private sector.  Additional money (and time) could be saved if a Doctor could ”visit” and prsecribe medicine over the phone or computer.  These solutions are small enough to implement, with a range of positive outcomes in the health care sector.

One particularly promising proposal within Obama’s stimulus has caught my attention; the modernization (aka the “greening”) of 75% of our nation’s federal office buildings through the use of sustainable resources.  When government spends money on public Research, Development, Testing, and Evaluation (RDT&E), the private sector profits; think NASA.  Cheap solutions discovered by government often spill over into the private sector.

In the process, public and private jobs are created, and our government takes the leadership role in the new clean energy economy.  These buildings could have their monthly energy savings posted online for other companies and households to see.  This could be achieved from not much more than window sealings and Compact Fluorescent Lightbulbs.   Public industry could advance further with Compressed Natural Gas (CNG) company cars and pickups.  Norfolk Naval Station already does this.

The clean energy market is also very attractive to a new generation of Americans.  When it is time for government to retreat, there will be a newly created job market in the private sector, with trained personnel ready to answer the call.  General sustainability is at the core of iGovt, and given that we annually import $700 billion of foreign oil, an unsustainable rate, the energy sector seems like the best place to invest public money.

Divisions Over Bailouts

To be clear, I was opposed to the intial $700 billion bailout when it first passed Congress (see my post Boom Goes Bust).  Republicans, including John McCain, were strong-armed into voting for it, as the naysayers began to forecast impending doom if the measure failed.  In fact, House Republicans still get blamed by the likes of CNN, who last week claimed they “pushed the Dow Jones over the cliff to its biggest point loss ever with their surprise rejection of Henry Paulson’s $700 billion Wall Street bailout.”

Well.  It seems now those pesky House Republicans may have been right after all.  Former Maryland Lt. Gov. Michael Steele, head of GOPAC, says now, “The bailout was a bust.  It should never have happened.  Republicans should have had a little bit more you-know-what to withstand the pressure.  They didn’t and we’re paying for it.”  Surely, standing up against the bill would have set John McCain apart from the big spenders on the Left; it may have changed the election.  Instead, he was left with nothing to differentiate him from George W. Bush, Henry Paulson, or the Democrats, for that matter.

The Republicans got the message, though, when two months later we watched the bailout of the Big Three fail in Congress, only to see President Bush play the scapegoat by swooping in to save them (at least until January 20, right?)  Interesting in this mix-up was Bob Corker’s rise to importance in the Senate.

corker6501

When it became obvious the House bailout bill would fail in the Senate, Senator Corker, a former businessman from Tennessee, unveiled his own proposal, which would have required viable actions from the Big Three in order to receive funds, but was inevitably dismissed when it lost support from the United Auto Workers (and their Democratic colleagues).  Sadly, politics got in the way; as a junior Senator, Democrats and the UAW denied Corker the chance to champion a feasible bill, Southern Republican Senators took the blame for not supporting the orginal bill, and our crisis continued. 

A bailout by the Executive Branch lacks the necessary oversight expected in any transaction between a lender and a borrower.  It is therefore the Legislative Branch’s duty to act.  While this draws criticism from the Right, something must be done.  Conservatives have to rediscover their role in the 111th Congress (I covered this in my last post, Our Current Crisis).

TARP Solutions

Public pressure is back on.  Senator Claire McCaskill of Missouri recently said in an interview she can’t go into a grocery store without getting bombarded by angry Missourians:  “People are shouting out their cars at me … ‘When are you going to write me a check?’”

Today, Congress approved the remaining $350 billion of the Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP) funds for use in the Obama Administration.  This was expected; last week, House Financial Service Committee Chairman Barney Frank sent a memo to other lawmakers laying out his plans to place limits on any further use of the TARP.  Frank’s proposal gives Congress more control of the money, requests $40 billion alone for mortgage refinancing, and requires banks to report on how these funds are being used.  Frank also wants to require banks to lend.  Wait, I forget; wasn’t that one of the factors in our current crisis?

Additionally, the Democrats want to provide $275 billion in tax cuts, by all accounts a historically atypical move.  Like I said earlier this week, “Raising taxes discourages growth, and lowering taxes worsens our public debt.”  Republican resistance to the stimulus continues to mount, for obvious reasons.  There must be a better way.

Representative Louie Gohmert of Texas’ 1st District has proposed using the remaining funds for a two-month tax holiday for the American people, averaging to about $2000 per taxpayer.  Some leading conservatives such as Chairman of the 111th Congress’ Republican Conference, Mike Pence of Indiana, and former Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich, support the proposal, while some conservatives debunk his idea, citing a need for permanent tax relief. 

Conservatives also cite a ”wealth effect,” which says that citizens spend when times are good and save when times are bad.  This was certainly proven during the 2008 Economic Stimulus Package; polling showed that only 20% of the $152 billion was spent, while the rest was either saved or used to pay down debt.  It did not provide the proverbial “shot in the arm” of its intention.

I have sent letters to my Congressmen with a TARP proposal of my own, but haven’t heard anything back; you’ll find silence is usually their standard response.  I say, take the remaing TARP money and issue “government gift cards” to all taxpayers.  Citizens would be encouraged to use their current income as they wish to save and pay down debt; the roughly $2000 gift card, however, would expire in one month, ensuring it gets spent.  What’s left would be forfeited back to the Treasury.  The effects of such a measure would surely be felt in the market, with citizens, not government, choosing its winners and losers.

The “iGovt gift card” would look similar to an American Express gift card, would have your name on it, and your account number would simply be your Social Security Number.  This would effectively combine the Gohmert and Obama proposals without tinkering with the existing tax code.  It would also drop the bill of the Stimulus to about $500 billion, making it easier to pass.

How did FDR do it?

Well, hold on a second.  Despite all the acclaim, there is no definitive evidence the New Deal helped in pulling the US out of the Depression.  Members of the Civilian Conservation Corps were only paid a dollar a day and lived in camps; their incentive was simply to eat.  Rather, when the Japanese bombed Pearl Harbor, the nation found the incentive to fight and work hard, in order to strengthen – and save - our nation.

I believe this point in our history calls for energy solutions, which necessitates more American engineers, a population steadily lost to outsourcing.  Now is the time to seize the opportunity that is before us, instead of just throwing federal (or state) money into education, simply to create more bureaucratic, criteria-driven programs.  Money alone does not create incentives for students to choose Science, Technology, Engineering, or Math (STEM) degrees.

The most surefire way to create engineers is to give them a task to do in a field that is reliable.  For years, the business sector has been the easiest way to make money; I think it’s safe to say those days are over.  If there is bait on the other end of a college experience, students will respond.  I believe that bait is the budding new energy sector.  Public money in this case can either be an investment, or it can be wasted.  It’s our choice.

What is the Democrats’ response to Obama’s plan?   More of the same, old, tired solutions:  double subsidies for alternative energy production ($54 billion); extend unemployment benefits ($27 billion) and increase the weekly unemployment check (another $9 billion); subsidize Cobra health insurance for laid off workers ($30.3 billion); along with billions more in various pet projects.  This is the easy answer; none of this will create the demand needed to strengthen our economy.  What’s more, Republican dissent will only create further gridlock.

Jared Bernstein, a senior economist at the Economic Policy Institute, recently stated, “The 1930s recession became the Great Depression because policymakers didn’t take the necessary actions.  Nobody wants to make that mistake this time around.”  While we remember that dark side of our history, let’s look also to the words of President Lincoln, in 1862:  “The dogmas of the quiet past are inadequate to the stormy present.  The occasion is piled high with difficulty, and we must rise with the occasion.  As our case is new, so we must think anew, and act anew.  We must disenthrall ourselves, and then we shall save our country.”

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Jan 17, 2009

Our Current Crisis

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The questions abound:  How long is this going to last?  How bad is it going to get?  What can our government do?  Furthermore, what is its role in the process?

Where should we turn for information?  It’s hard for me to believe any forecasts or models, as this crisis more than likely originated due to the Black-Scholes option-pricing model, a derivatives-based scheme that won the Nobel Prize in Economics in 1997, subsequently encouraged investors to take more risk than usual, and rendered the results shown below.

 20080121_stock_market_crash_of_2008_c_chart

History of Crises

There is, however, one particular forecast based on historical averages that I think is worth citing.  Two major economists, Kenneth Rogoff of Harvard and Carmen Reinhart of the University of Maryland, released a report this past December entitled “The Aftermath of Financial Crises,” in which they averaged the effects of 22 different global economies and their separate reactions after a major crisis.  Their findings are grim.

They found that on average, unemployment rises by 7 percentage points and doesn’t peak until four years after the crisis.  Beginning from the bottom of the American jobless rate, based on this history, U.S. unemployment could rise to 11% by 2011.  As of last week, unemployment reached 7.2%.  This means that in 2008, 2.6 million jobs were lost; that’s the greatest number lost in a year since WWII.

The economists also found that housing downturns last six years, which puts our long term recovery three years away.  Congressional Budget Office acting chairman Robert Sunshine told Senator Jeff Sessions in a Senate Hearing last week that the housing crisis would continue until house prices are proportional to wages.  In 1940, a house cost twice the household’s annual income; that is certainly not the case today, no matter where you live.

Even worse news is that, on average, stock-price declines last three-and-a-half years, and total 55%.  This would bring the Dow Jones Industrial Average down to about 6500 points.  Government debt would reach 86% of GDP, or $12 trillion; currently the debt is about 67% of GDP, and the debt in dollars is now over $10.6 trillion.

 Scary?  What’s scarier still is the lack of any positive qualitative data coming from American industry.  We have become a consumer-based society, instead of a production-based society, and week after week, have record losses in company profits.  Even Wal-Mart posted 8% losses in December!  Here, however, there is some hope, as Rogoff and Reinhart add, “Output falls an average of over 9 percent, although the duration of the downturn, averaging roughly two years, is considerably shorter than for unemployment.” 

The fact is, we cannot begin growing our economy until we begin producing goods and services, instead of just services.  This truth predicates some form of government intervention, something that pains me and others.  Rogoff and Reinhart admit, “Bailout costs are difficult to measure” and, “are, in several cases, only a relatively minor contributor to post-financial crisis debt burdens.”

So does government intervention prevent further market woes?  No, but history shows it does help soften the blow.  This is a tough pill for conservatives to swallow, but doing nothing is not the answer.  This means bailout money must be properly delegated to be successful; although smaller in number, conservatives now play a key role in the oversight process.

Budget (R)eckoning

A Congressional Budget Office report released this week goes on to substantiate the findings of Rogoff and Reinhart.  The federal deficit for 2008 set a record of $455 billion; worse still, the 2009 projected deficit comes in at $1.2 trillion.  At 8.3% of GDP, this one year deficit shatters the Post-WWII record of 6%, set in 1982.  What is as equally damaging to our debt as increased government spending is the $166 billion drop in tax revenue this year compared to last; extending the “Bush tax cuts” and the Alternative Minimum Tax (AMT) patch will drop our tax revenue another $761 billion. 

Americans want everything all at once, and they want it now.  We cannot have a budget this lop-sided, increase our spending, and cut taxes all at the same time.  Forty percent of the upcoming stimulus plan consists of proposed tax cuts.  Tax cuts are a great way to encourage economic growth… if our federal budget can afford it.  Right now, I do not think it can.  I think the tax code should remain untouched; raising taxes discourages growth, and lowering taxes worsens our public debt.

So-called traditional conservatives may take issue with this point, but true fiscal conservatives will not.  Traditional conservatives may also oppose the use of public money to create jobs; for instance, $10 billion used to create jobs in the public sector eventually takes $10 billion out of the private sector through taxes, and there, jobs could be lost.  I agree, unless the $10 billion is used wisely, and is considered an investment in our future.  If government could turn $10 billion into, say $100 billion of future growth in our economy, and could do so while delaying the bill to the American people, then perhaps it is not a drain on the private sector.  Conservatives have to get over this issue, take a different look, and find ways their input could help to reform the broken parts of government, while demanding public money is being used wisely.

Conservatives should also encourage us to trust history instead of government.  America cannot be afraid to take risks; our capitalist system and our free market is based on this principle.  Money cannot come raining down from on high to “save” troubled assets.  The safety nets must end somewhere.  Yes, banks may fail, and businesses may fail; our society, however, may be better for it.

assistance

Like Rogoff and Reihart, I believe in American exceptionalism.   America is different, as a “highly sophisticated global financial center” and an “advanced economy.”  Here’s some more good news:  Mr. Obama believes in American exceptionalism, too.  In his speech at George Mason University this week, he stated:  “We should never forget that our workers are still more productive than any on Earth.  Our universities are still the envy of the world.  We are still home to the most brilliant minds, the most creative entrepreneurs, and the most advanced technology and innovation that history has ever known.  And we are still the nation that has overcome great fears and improbable odds.  If we act with the urgency and seriousness that this moment requires, I know that we can do it again.”

In our actions, let’s be careful to avoid the “Fatal Conceit” that government knows best how its citizens should live, while remembering that this moment is unlike any other.  Rogoff and Reinhart add this:  “One would be wise not to push too far the conceit that we are smarter than our predecessors.”

Who Are the Experts?

As our government moves forward to prevent further market hemorrhaging, how involved should it get in the market?  Should it heed the advice of the chief Ph.D economists running around Capitol Hill and the White House?  Keep in mind, some strategists and economists began predicting our current situation as much as two years ago, and they deserve recognition.  

Meredith Whitney wrote an unusually pessimistic editorial in October 2007 that predicted the downturn of Citibank, the housing market, and the Stock Market in general.  Days later, Citibank collapsed.  She was most recently named CNBC’s “Power Player of the Year” for 2008, over Bernanke and Paulson.  In August of 2008, before the Stock Market collapse (a month later), Whitney was quoted in Fortune Magazine saying, “It feels like I’m at the epicenter of the biggest financial crisis in history.”  She made a name for herself by being the first to issue “sell” signals on Enron.  Now, the Stock Market reacts when she speaks.

Before her prophecy, though, the banker and economist Dr. Kurt Richebacher stated in February 2007:  “The US economy is in danger of a recession that will prove unusually long and severe.  By any measure it is in far worse shape than in 2001-02 and the unraveling of the housing bubble is clearly at hand.  It seems that the continuous buoyancy of the financial markets is again deluding many people about the gravity of the economic situation.”  Dr. Richebacher, considered a follower of Austrian economics, died six months later, before this reality unfolded.

Blogger Mike Whitney (no relation) also made a name for himself with near-perfect predictions in his paper, “The Second Great Depression,” also in February 2007.  In the middle of a stagnant economy, he stated, “The bottom line is that inventories are up, sales are down, profits are eroding, and the building industry is facing a steady downturn well into the foreseeable future.  The ripple effects of the housing crisis will be felt throughout the overall economy; shrinking GDP, slowing consumer spending and putting more workers in the growing unemployment lines.”  At this point, the Dow Jones was hovering around 12,500 points, and in fact grew to 14,000 points eight months later in October 2007, before making its now historic descent.

Dangers of Strategery

Nobody believed these forecasts.  The problem is, nobody believes any now.  Should we, though?  Let’s look towards the world’s top investors to see how they did business in the downturn.

When Citigroup began to falter, its top investor, Saudi Prince Alaweed, raised his share of the company back to 5%, buying at about $33 a share.  It kept falling, and is now hovering about $7 a share.  Warren Buffett, the richest man in America, suffered a 77% drop in earnings at Berkshire Hathaway during the third quarter of 2008 and several of his recent deals appear to be running large losses.  Berkshire Hathaway acquired 10% perpetual preferred stock of Goldman Sachs at $123 only for it to fall to below $60 a share.

These men didn’t become rich by throwing good money after bad.  The problem is, we are in unforeseen economic times, and you really cannot trust anyone but yourself.  While the crisis is new, certain factors remain the same.

This week, a piece in the Wall Street Journal warned, “Beware of market forecasts, even by experts,” and to “ignore the forecasts of inevitably bullish strategists.  Bearish strategists on Wall Street’s payroll don’t survive long.”  

So, if you are investing, be careful, but don’t be afraid.  I’ll conclude my post with a synopsis given by this same Wall Street Journal report:

“Our financial system is driven by a giant marketing machine in which the interests of sellers directly conflicts with the interests of buyers.  The sellers, having (as ever) the information advantage, nearly always win.”

“We can’t say that we haven’t been warned about the perils of ignoring the past.  More than 2,000 years ago, the Roman orator Cato noted that, ‘There must be a vast fund of stupidity in human nature, or else men would not be caught as they are, a thousand times over, by the same snares… while they yet remember their past misfortunes, they go on to court and encourage the causes to what they were owing, and which will again produce them.’”

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Jan 13, 2009

The (R)eckoning, Part 3

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Well, I guess I have some reckoning of my own to do.

I must admit, although I was an ardent supporter of John McCain for President, and I have not, nor will not, drink the Kool-Aid sitting before me, I will be the first to say that I have been impressed with the high level of professionalism shown by Barack Obama post-election, pleasantly surprised with (most of) the selections he has made for his Cabinet, and I am looking forward to the future.  So, yes, the doomsday scenario I laid out on this website may have been a bit of an exaggeration.  I am wary, of course… but hopeful, and happily so.

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But the New Year has come, the campaign rallies are over, and after the inauguration (2 weeks from today), the dust will settle and the reality of impending challenges (whether they be further bailouts, public-private mergers, threats of war, or “unknown unknowns”) will begin to evolve into history-making.  The burden of proof now lies with the Democrats, and all eyes will be on their strengthened caucus; however, there is still a heavy undertaking ahead for the Republican Party as they find their way forward.  Unchecked, the size of government could balloon greather than its critical mass, squeezing out the ideals of freedom through public-private mergers.  Republicans must stay focused in the years to come, because distractions abound.

Who Made Who?

The Republican identity crisis is now being fought out between the three legs of the “conservative stool”:  that is, 1) strong foreign policy, 2) fiscal responsibility, and 3) social conservatism, or the value voters.  Pull one leg out of the caucus, and the entire platform collapses.

The Clinton era, with its upwardly mobile economy (thanks to the desktop computer), a quiet international front (due to our oblivion of the facts), and scandalous behavior by the Commander-in-Chief, put social conservatism on the front-burner, while the other camps cooled off.   September 11th changed all that; hawkish foreign policy was now co-equal with social values within the Republican Party.  The last leg, that of economic conservatism, was wholly ignored in the Bush era, as government grew 40% in the past eight years.  Currently this expansion of government shows absolutely no signs of slowing during the next Administration, and has taken a turn for the worst as we observe the largest public-private merger in American history.

Sadly, fiscal responsibility, the essence of conservatism and limited government, is in serious danger, and its collapse might take this entire country with it.   Yet somehow, candidates like Ron Paul and the libertarian wing get painted as kooks.  Considering the GOP just lost a Senate seat to the likes of Al Franken, who looks like the kooks now?

al-franken

(Franken, with one of his constituents.)

Let’s start from the beginning, and look at the sociological crisis within our government, take a little walk through history, and see how it relates to our individual freedoms and fiscal conservatism.

Of Power and Fame

So, sure, Democrats are handing the Republicans ammunition as we speak:  glamorous pictures of the President-elect, dripping wet in Hawaii; flagrant extensions of Camelot, undeserved, in New York; scandals and swindles between the Governor’s office and “others” in Illinois; and this Franken upset.  America needs to choose between this sprouting Celebritocracy of fame and wealth, or a Meritocracy, of ”virtue and talents,” as Thomas Jefferson put it.

Have we lost the American ideal of small government, composed of a citizen legislature, limited in their powers over the citizenry?  Perhaps.  Are we ruled by “common people” anymore?  I digress to argue against the idea of the common man.  My eyes have been opened by author and statesman Mickey Edwards, who points out in his book Reclaiming Conservatism the fallacy of generalization, as politicians in their quest for power might refer to a middle class “common man.”  This begs the question, “What is a common man?”  The term “common” implies some common experience, of common background, rendering common results.  Who sets ”common” goals?  Who strives daily at work or elsewhere to be referred to as simply common?  No, I don’t think we were to be denoted as common or uncommon, ordinary or extraordinary, peasants or celebrities.

We are all unique creatures, of different backgrounds, with different interests… or to be a little more HR about it, we are all special people created by God with different pasts and different futures.  This is the essence of individuality; referring to a man as “common” or average, or to people as “The People,” is to infer one life upon another.  Mickey Edwards goes on in his book to quote Theodore Rozak as he described Karl Marx’s Communist vision:  “There is no sensitivity for the person – only for the people.”  No, our country was founded on a different set of principles, where individuals, not collectives, deserve our respect.  Enter:  the Constitution!

Dost thou wax Olde School?

Consider the fact that at the Virginia Ratifying Convention of 1788, Patrick Henry, the original champion of libertarian dissent in the politisphere, debated the first three words of our Constitution, ”We, the People,” saying of its founders, “What right had they to say, We, the people?  My political curiosity, exclusive of my anxious solicitude for the public welfare, leads me to ask:  Who authorized them to speak the language of, We, the people, instead of, We, the states?  States are the characteristics and the soul of confederation.  If the states be not the agents of this compact, it must be one, great, consolidated, national government, of the people of all states.”  His argument may seem absurd to us, but Patrick Henry’s dissent is a perfect example of our forefathers’ hesitancy towards the collectivism of a strong national government able to impose its will far and wide, thereby restricting the people from governing themselves.

Patrick Henry went on to say, “If we admit this consolidated government, it will be because we like a great, splendid one.  Some way or other we must be a great and mighty empire; we must have an army, and a navy, and a number of things.  When the American spirit was in its youth, the language of America was different:  liberty, sir, was then the primary object.”

registering

Somewhere along the way, we lost our focus.  Congress’ enumerated powers as described in Article I, Section 8 got twisted and distorted, particularly with regards to the “common defense and general welfare” of the American citizenry; certain divisions have been made, and they are quite alarming in the way they permeate our society.  Above is a picture of an elderly woman being registered to vote; when we look at this picture, why do we automatically assume he works for the Democratic Party, and that she will vote Democrat, instead of Republican?  What’s wrong with the conservative tenets of the Republican Party?  Why would anyone find individual liberties, free markets, free minds and limited government that unattractive?

Mischief of Factions

The problem is, that’s not what the Republican Party stands for anymore.  “The base” is not concerned with such trivial matters, when they see a culture war underway in our country.  The phrase “conservative lifestyle” invokes the wrong set of mental connotations; we think of Mr. Goody Twoshoes in his prudish glory, carrying a Bible in one hand and his school books in the other.  Social values and their discontents (gay marriage, abortion, immigration, etc) have nothing to do with sensible policy-making or Constitutional conservatism, and entangling one with the other has lead to a lot of the confusion we now see within the Republican Party.  I say the GOP must abandon social conservatism, the mischief within the Republican faction, as their leading mantra, if they want to come back from their recent defeats of 2006 and 2008.

In The Federalist, Number 10, James Madison says of the corruption of political parties, “There are two methods of curing the mischief of faction:  the one, by removing its causes; the other, by controlling its effects.  There are again two methods of removing the causes of faction:  the one, by destroying the liberty which is essential to its existence; the other, by giving to every citizen the same opinions, the same passions, and the same interests.” 

Madison considers both methods of removing the cause of faction evil; therefore, the best way to handle a flawed party is by controlling its effects, through democratic means.  We don’t work for Congress; they work for us.  We hold them accountable with our vote.  Their duty is to represent their constituency; we make it easier on them by having an opinion to represent

It’s not a just a right, or a privilege; it’s your duty.  You don’t have to agree with me, just have an opinion.  It defines who you are.

Along with The Federalist, Number 10, there is another “10″ our government need to consider:  the Tenth Amendment reads, “The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.”  This wasn’t some afterthought; this law echoes the sentiments of revolutionary author Thomas Paine:  “All Power exercised over a nation, must have some beginning.  It must be either delegated, or assumed.  There are no other sources.  All delegated power is trust, all assumed power is usurpation.  (emphasis added)  Time does not alter the nature and quality of either.”

A Way Forward

The GOP stands at the proverbial crossroads, and a land of opportunity awaits… but which way to go?  Lewis Carroll once said, “If you don’t know where you’re going, any road will get you there.”  This applies quite nicely to the plight of the Republicans as the find their way forward.

As previously stated in Part 1 of this Reckoning, the Republican Party is “cut loose and allowed to wander in the wilderness.”  They will have to rediscover their principles, and possibly redefine their base, before they can ever appeal to moderates.  Republicans claim to be conservatives, but what is a conservative?  The definition itself has its own meaning in America.  Both major parties are actually classically liberal, while American conservatives are trying to conserve founders’ intent as set forth in our U.S. Constitution.  Until the GOP returns to this singular ideal, they are not conservatives.

Adams, Jefferson, and our Constitution

The laws and liberties of our Constitution have defined conservatism since this nation’s conception.  John Adams, as leader of the Federalist Party, is considered by some as the first American conservative, and as such, a revolutionary in thought.  In his 1776 Thoughts on Government, Adams defined a republic as an “empire of laws, not men.”  His ideas surely contributed to the founding of our Constitution, the shortest and longest living document in the history of free societies (not a coincidence).

However, Adams also contended:  “The proposition that the people are the best keepers of their own liberties is not true.  They are the worst conceivable, they are no keepers at all; they can neither judge, act, think, or will, as a political body.”  Therefore, laws are needed to protect liberty, and though he was mindful of the corruption of absolute power, he turned laws against liberty, and consequently passed the malevolent Alien and Sedition Acts during his term as President, which had to be overturned by his successor, Thomas Jefferson.

Jefferson was more of an idealist that Adams, and although he was not present at its signing, he contends:  “On every question of construction, carry ourselves back to the time when the Constitution was adopted, recollect the spirit manifested in the debates, and instead of trying what meaning may be squeezed out of the text, or invented against it, conform to the probable one in which it was passed.”  As an idealist, Jefferson saw the mischief of faction within government, and surmises that the Constitution should be the arbiter of laws and liberty.  In 1798, Thomas Jefferson warned of the corruption of power within policy-making:  “Confidence is everywhere the parent of despotism.  Free government is founded in jealousy, and not in confidence… In matters of power, let no more be heard of confidence in man, but bind him down from mischief by the chains of the Constitution.”

Laws and Liberty

There is a natural juxtaposition between laws and liberty, and a balance is needed, but which takes priority over the other?  Philosophers have debated over this since the beginning of civilization.  John Stuart Mill, in his 1859 classic On Liberty, states, “Over himself, over his own body and mind, the individual is sovereign.”  Fellow utilitarian and British statesman Jeremy Bentham even went so far as to say, “Every law is an infraction of liberty.”

Mill summarized the harm principle in saying, “The only purpose for which power can be rightfully exercised over any member of a civilised community, against his will, is to prevent harm to others.”  This sentiment echoes that of Greek scholar Epicurus, who around 300 BC wrote, “Justice is the kind of compact not to harm or be harmed.”  Sounds a bit like the Hippocratic Oath, “First, do no harm,” doesn’t it?

Our country was founded from the simplicity of the harm principle; our government was established through a social contract to guarantee the liberties therein, and not much else.  I am not advocating anarchy; society necessitates government, and as Jeremy Bentham himself (philosopher and friend of John Stuart Mill) warns, “Tyranny and anarchy are never far apart.”  Hurriedly, the former would replace the latter.

We should not fear revolution here, but instead the slow regression, the idea that government knows best how its citizens should live, in what Friedrich Hayek called the “Fatal Conceit.”   In this novel, he contends, “The curious task of economics is to demonstrate to men how little they really know about what they imagine they can design.”  Current events best illustrates our fatal conceit, in that somehow a general consensus is drawn that government should grant loans to troubled businesses, and should establish criteria for private industry. 

I’m guilty of this idea as well, that government should help prevent systemic collapse, and industry can be revitalized by government in a growth/decay model (that is, public money aids a private sector, then has a plan to back out when industry prospers, hopefully; but if it fails, government still backs out), but such government intervention leads to a loss of freedom; consider these conclusions of the Tax Foundation:  “Government continues to dominate the American taxpayer’s budget,” said Tax Foundation president Scott Hodge.  “Americans will still spend more on taxes in 2008 than they will spend on food, clothing and housing combined.”  In 2008, Americans will work 74 days to afford their federal taxes and 39 more days to pay state and local taxes.  Meanwhile, buying food requires 35 days of work, clothing 13 days, and housing 60 days.  Other major categories are health and medical care (50 days), transportation (29 days), and recreation (21 days).

Our Current Crisis

So what’s next?  How do you think all of this applies now?  Well, with a trillion dollar stimulus package, including an overlooked proposal for tax breaks for companies who report losses in 2008 and 2009, the name “Adam Smith” rises to the surface.  Providing tax benefits for ineffective companies inhibits supply-and-demand, the driving force of our market.  With these endless safety nets, yet another subject stops, gets into the cart, while less and less keep pulling it.

Bailouts, stimulus programs, government projects and the like conflict with our freedoms… but most agree some intervention is necessary.  I do, too; but what?  It becomes clearer that the debate between laws and liberty is not simply linear.  The incoming Administration faces the challenge of balancing, in the words of our President-elect, ”social and economic justice” with liberty.  A hefty task.  However, trying to achieve social and economic justice at the price of liberty is un-American; yes, I said it, but I’m not alone in doing so.  Consider the words of – who else? – Adam Smith:  ”If a nation could not prosper without the enjoyment of perfect liberty and perfect justice, there is not in the world a nation which could ever have prospered.”

On the night of our 2008 elections, Senator Bob Kerrey, a Democrat from Nebraska, said, “The Democrats have not won a mandate for all their policies.  Rather, the American people have resoundingly registered their frustration with a failed status quo, and the next President must chart a new, less partisan course.”  The Left claims that President Bush was ideological:  false.  He was partisan; he was politically calculating; but he had no overarching vision for government.  If he did, he failed in its execution, and our democracy rendered its verdict on hyperpartisanship.

Me?  Well, a large part of me is optimistic about our incoming Administration.  The guy is smart.  He strives to understand both sides of the argument.  He has the wind at his back.  He has assembled a great team of savvy personnel to advise him.  It’s just his underlying ideology, evident every so often, that strikes the wrong chord and scares the doodoo out of me. 

Now, don’t misunderstand me:  I don’t see anything wrong with ideology; a set of values to fall back upon will help find answers regardless of the situation.  It’s a backwards-thinking ideology, that fatal conceit, of believing in “good government” that I fear, for America is the land of opportunity, not the land of guarantee; inasmuch, we are promised the right to pursue happiness, not the promise of it.

Finally, in the approaching efforts to “provide for the common defence and general welfare,” of citizens, a line must be drawn and an effort made to keep temporary government programs temporary and conserve our Constitutional freedoms, including our economic freedoms.  Doing so in the face of adversity will redefine conservatism, and the Republican Party, for the better.

“Consider our situation, Sir:  Go to the poor man, ask him what he does; he will inform you, that he enjoys the fruits of his labour, under his own fig-tree, with his wife and children around him, in peace and security.  Go to every other member of the society, you will find the same tranquil ease and content; you will find no alarms or disturbances:   Why then tell us of dangers to terrify us into an adoption of this new Government?  and yet who knows the dangers that this new system may produce; they are out of the sight of the common people:  They cannot foresee latent consequences:  I dread the operation of it on the middling and lower class of people:  It is for them I fear the adoption of this system.” – Patrick Henry, Virginia Ratifying Convention, 8 June 1788

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Filed under Ideology
Jan 6, 2009

Discovering My Perspective

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